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I. Why are we at War ? - - - - 3 

(a) Because of the "swelled head" of the German 
militarist classes, who have stampeded the country. 
The ruthless theory of these men considered war to 
be a blessing and the best means of advancing pro- 
gress -------- 

(b) Because of our plighted word to France, in virtue of 
which she had concentrated her fleet in the Mediter- 
ranean and left her northern coast defenceless, save 

for our aid - - - - - - 7 

(c) Because of our obligations to Belgium - - 9 

(d) For the safety of ourselves and of our Empire - 13 

(e) In the cause of civilization and liberty and of 
international law, which the Germans have shamelessly 
violated - ...... 14 

II. Unanimity of Opinion in Great Britain and Ireland 24 

(1) Liberal ; (2) Unionist ; (3) Irish ; (4) Labour Party ; 
(5) Socialist ; (6) The Churches ; (7) Nonconformist ; 
(8) Lord Roberts - - - - 24-36 

III. Unanimous Support in the Dominions and Crown 

Colonies - - - - - - - 37 

IV. Unanimous Support of India - - - - 42 
V. Opinion in the United States - - - 46 

VI. Various Questions which have been Asked, and 

Answers to Them - - - - - 51 

(a) Could we have stopped the War? - - - 51 

(b) Could we have kept out of the War ? - - 52 

(c) Have we not done enough ? - - - - 52 

(d) Is not the Fleet enough ? - - - - 54 

(e) Was not the War forced on by Russia ? "55 
(/) Are we not fighting for the barbarism of Servia 
and Russia against the culture of Germany ? - - 56 
(g) Have we not called in heathen Japan against Chris- 
tian Germany ? - - - - - '57 
(h) Should we be any worse off if Germany won ? - 58 

German Views of British Soldiers - - - 62 

Why we must Fight to a Finish - - 63 




(a) Because of the " swelled head" of the German militarist 
classes, who have stampeded the country. The ruthless 
theory of these men considered war to be a blessing and 
the best means of advancing progress. 

" It has always been the weary, spiritless, and ex- 
hausted ages which have played with the dream of 
perpetual peace. 

" The whole development of modern State wisdom 
tends to crush smaller States, and in this sense Germany 
has very severe tasks to face, for in the parcelling up 
and distribution of land outside of Europe Germany has 
always fallen short. And our very existence as a Great 
nation depends on the question whether we can become 
a power across the seas. 

" Germany will be happy when she has received 
her due, and possesses the Rhine in its entirety." 

(This involves the possession by her of Belgium and 

" If our Empire has the courage to follow an inde- 
pendent colonial policy with determination, a collision 
of our interests and those of England is unavoidable. It 
was natural and logical that the new Great Power of 
Central Europe had to settle accounts with all great 
Powers. We have settled our accounts with Austria- 


4 Facts about the War 

Hungary, with France, and with Russia. The last 
settlement— the settlement with England— will 
probably be the lengthiest and most difficult. ,, 

H. Von Treitschke, for thirty years, till 
his death in 1896, the foremost German 
historical writer and publicist. 

" In its final aims the Peace movement is not only as 
Utopian, but as dangerous as Socialism." 

Privy Councillor Baron Von Stengel, 
German delegate to the first Hague Con- 

It is sometimes said that it is only the statesmen of 
Germany that are Anti-British. 

" Once during the Boer War ... I remonstrated with 
a member of the Reichstag on account of his attacks on 
England, which did not exactly tend to make our difficult 
position any easier. The worthy man replied in a tone of 
conviction : ' It is my right and my duty, as a member 
of the Reichstag, to express the feelings of the German 
nation. You, as a Minister, I hope, will take care that 
my opinions do no mischief abroad.' " 

Prince von Buelow, for many years, till 
1910, Imperial Chancellor, the highest 
office, save the Kaiser's, in the German 

The theory that only a small section of Prussian 
opinion had been tainted with militarism has been dis- 
pelled by the action of men of science, philosophers, 
writers, and professors. A manifesto signed by ninety- 
two of the best-known men in learning and literature has 
been issued, from which the following is an extract : 

" It is not true that the fight against our so-called 
militarism is not, as our enemies hypocritically declare 

Facts about the War 5 

a fight against our culture. Without German mili- 
tarism German culture would long ago have been 
swept off the face of the earth. 

14 War is not merely a necessary element in the life 
of nations, but an indispensable factor of culture, in 
which a true civilized nation finds the highest expression 
of strength and vitality. 

" The efforts directed towards the abolition of war 
must not only be termed foolish, but absolutely immoral, 
and must be stigmatized as unworthy of the human race. 

11 It must further be remembered that every success in 
foreign policy, especially if obtained by a demonstration 
of military strength, not only heightens the power of the 
State in foreign affairs, but adds to the reputation of the 
Government at home, and thus enables it better to fulfil 
its moral aims and civilizing duties. 

44 A pacific agreement with England is, after all, 
a will-o'-the-wisp which no serious German statesman 
would trouble to follow. We must always keep the 
possibility of war with England before our eyes, and 
arrange our political and military plans accordingly. 

11 We have fought in the last great wars for our national 
union and our position among the Powers of Europe; 
we now must decide whether we wish to develop into and 
maintain a World Empire, and procure for German spirit 
and German ideas that fit recognition which has been 
hitherto withheld from them. 

" In the first place, our political position would be 
considerably consolidated if we could finally get rid of the 
standing danger that France will attack us on a favour- 
able occasion, so soon as we find ourselves involved in 
complications elsewhere. In one way or another we 

6 Facts about the War 

must square our account with France if we wish for 
a free hand in our international policy. This is the first and 
foremost condition of a sound German policy, and since 
the hostility of France once for all cannot be removed by 
peaceful overtures, the matter must be settled by force 
of arms. France must be so completely crushed that she 
can never again come across our path. 

" We must remain conscious in all such eventualities 
that we cannot, under any circumstances, avoid fighting 
for our position in the world, and that the all-important 
point is, not to postpone that war as long as possible, 
but to bring it on under the most favourable conditions 

General F. von Bernhardi (died in 
1913), a prominent German General, high 
up on the General Staff, and a close friend 
of the Kaiser. 

" When you meet the foe you will defeat him. No 
quarter will be given, no prisoners will be taken. 

Let all who fall into your hands be at your mercy. Just 
as the Huns a thousand years ago, under the leadership 
of Attila, gained a reputation in virtue of which they 
still live in historical tradition, so may the name of 
Germany become known in such a manner in China 
that no Chinaman will ever again dare to look askance 

at a German." 

Address of the Kaiser to the German 
troops leaving for Pekin in July, 1900. 
The reference to Attila was commonly sup- 
pressed, but the rest of the quotation was 
circulated on postcards throughout Ger- 
many. Two days later the modern Attila 
preached a sermon on board the Hohen- 

Facts about the War 7 

" Much harm has resulted from the fact that in recent 
years we, as well as others, have forgotten that for now 
just 200 years Europe has had only one stedfast and, 
in its interests, astonishingly tough enemy — England. . . . 
Not to have recognized this thoroughly at the right time 
has been the cause of many catastrophes in Europe. 
To these catastrophes belongs also this present un- 
natural alliance between England, France, and Russia. 
It would have been avoided if a clear insight had only 
once made known in Europe what a great common 
European interest exists against England, which has 
appropriated to herself the best and richest countries 
overseas. Instead of this, the old state of things has 
again come to pass, that the peoples of the Con- 
tinent cut themselves to pieces in wars from which 
England solely and alone derives the advantage. . . . 
It lies deep in the essence of the English power-idea 
that it cannot bear a strong Continent, and, above all, 
one standing under a unified leadership. For then her 
Colonies would be torn from her and her income 


Cologne Gazette, August 27, 1914. 

(b) Because of our plighted word to France, in virtue of which 
she had concentrated her fleet in the Mediterranean, and 
left her northern coasts defenceless, save for our aid. 

11 The French fleet is now in the Mediterranean. The 
northern and western coasts of France are absolutely 
undefended. When the French fleet comes to be con- 
centrated in the Mediterranean, there is a very different 
situation from what it used to be, because the friendship 
which grew up between the two countries had given 

8 Facts about the War 

them a sense of security that there was nothing to be 
feared from us. Her coasts are absolutely undefended, 
her fleet is in the Mediterranean, and has been for some 
years concentrated there, because of the feeling of confi- 
dence and friendship which has existed between the two 

" My own feeling is this, that if a foreign fleet engaged 
in a war which France had not sought, and in which she 
had not been the aggressor, came down the English 
Channel and bombarded and battered the unprotected 
coasts of France, we could not stand aside and see the 
thing going on practically within sight of our eyes, with 
our arms folded, looking on dispassionately doing nothing, 
and I believe that would be the feeling of this country. 
There are times when one's own individual feeling makes 
one feel that if the circumstances actually did arise it 
would be a feeling that would spread with irresistible 
force throughout the land — in face of a thing happened." 

Sir E. Grey, in House of Commons, 
August 3. 

" We have had for many years a long-standing friend- 
ship with France. . . . How far that friendship entails 
obligations ... let every man look into his own heart and 
his own feelings and construe that obligation for himself. ,, 

Sir E. Grey, in House of Commons, 
August 3. 

" I am authorized to give an assurance that, if the 
German fleet comes into the Channel or through the 
North Sea to undertake hostile operations against 
French coasts or shipping, the British fleet will give all 
the protection in its power. 

Facts about the War 9 

"This assurance is, of course, subject to the policy of 
His Majesty's Government receiving the support of 

Parliament. ,, 

Sir E. Grey to the French Ambas- 
sador, August 2. 

(c) Because oj our obligations to Belgium. 

" Treaty between Great Britain, Austria, France, 
Prussia, and Russia on the one part, and Belgium on 
the other. Article I., Her Majesty the Queen of the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, His 
Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and 
Bohemia, His Majesty the King of the French, His 
Majesty the King of Prussia, and His Majesty the 
Emperor of all the Russias declare that the articles 
hereunto annexed, and forming the tenor of the treaty 
concluded this day between His Majesty the King of the 
Belgians and His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, 
Grand Duke of Luxemburg, are considered as having 
the same force and validity as if they were textually 
inserted in the present Act, and that they are thus placed 
under the guarantee of their said Majesties. Extract 
from annex : Article VII. Belgium, within the limits 
specified in Articles I., II., and IV., shall form an 
independent and perpetually neutral State. It shall 
be bound to observe such neutrality towards all other 

(Note. — Articles I., II., and IV., which are referred 
to in Article VII., define the provinces and territorial 
limits of Belgium.) 

By the Conference of the Powers at the Hague in 1907, 
signed by Germany, a " Convention respecting the Rights 

io Facts about the War 

and Duties of Neutral Powers " was drawn up, of which 
the first two articles are as follows : 

i. The territory of neutral Powers is inviolable. 

2. Belligerents are forbidden to move across the terri- 
tory of a neutral Power troops or convoys, either of 
munitions of war or supplies. 

"The governing factor is the Treaty of 1839, but this 
is a treaty with a history — a history accumulated since. 
In 1870, when there was war between France and Ger- 
many, the question of the neutrality of Belgium arose, 
and various things were said. Amongst other things, 
Prince Bismarck gave an assurance to Belgium 
that, confirming his verbal assurance, he gave in writing 
a declaration which he said was superfluous in reference to 
the Treaty in existence — that the German Confedera- 
tion and its allies would respect the neutrality of 
Belgium, it being always understood that that neutrality 
would be respected by the other belligerent Powers. That 
is valuable as a recognition in 1870 on the part of Germany 
of the sacredness of these treaty rights. . . . The Treaty 
is an old Treaty — 1839. That was the view taken of it 
in 1870. It is one of those treaties which are founded, 
not only on consideration for Belgium which benefits 
under the Treaty, but in the interests of those who 
guarantee the neutrality of Belgium. The honour and 
interests are at least as strong to-day as they were in 


Sir E. Grey, in House of Commons, 
August 3, 1914. 

" I telegraphed at the same time in similar terms to 
both Paris and Berlin, to say that it was essential for us 

Facts about the War 1 1 

to know whether the French and German Governments, 
respectively, were prepared to undertake an engagement 
to respect the neutrality of Belgium. I got from the 
French Government this : 

" * The French Government are resolved to respect the 
neutrality of Belgium, and it would only be in the event 
of some other Power violating that neutrality that 
France might find herself under the necessity, in order 
to assure the defence of her security, to act otherwise. 
This assurance has been given several times. The 
President of the Republic spoke of it to the King of the 
Belgians, and the French Minister at Brussels has 
spontaneously renewed the assurance to the Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs to-day.' 

" From the German Government the reply was : 

" ' The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs could not 
possibly give an answer before consulting the Emperor 
and the Chancellor.' 

11 Sir Edward Goschen, to whom I have said it was 
important to have an answer soon, said he hoped the 
answer would not be too long delayed. The German 
Minister for Foreign Affairs then gave Sir Edward 
Goschen to understand that he rather doubted whether 
they could answer at all, as any reply they might give 
could not fail, in the event of war, to have the un- 
desirable effect of disclosing to a certain extent part of 
their plan of campaign." 

Sir E. Grey, in House of Commons 
August 3. 

11 Gentlemen, we are now in a state of necessity, and 
necessity knows no law ! Our troops have occupied 
Luxemburg, and perhaps are already on Belgian soil. 

12 Facts about the War 

Gentlemen, that is contrary to the dictates of inter- 
national law. It is true that the French Government 
has declared at Brussels that France is willing to 
respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as her 
opponent respects it. We knew, however, that France 
stood ready for the invasion. France could wait, 
but we could not wait. A French movement upon 
our flank upon the Lower Rhine might have been 
disastrous. So we were compelled to override the just 
protest of the Luxemburg and Belgian Governments. 
The wrong — I speak openly — that we are committing 
we will endeavour to make good as soon as our military 
goal has been reached. Anybody who is threatened, as 
we are threatened, and is fighting for his highest posses- 
sions can have only one thought — how he is to hack his 
way through I" 

Von Bethmann-Hollweg, the Imperial 
Chancellor to the Reichstag, on August 4. 

"I found the Chancellor very agitated. His Excel- 
lency at once began a harangue which lasted for about 
twenty minutes. He said that the step taken by His 
Majesty's Government was terrible to a degree ; just 
for a word — ' Neutrality ' — a word which in war time 
had so often been disregarded — just for a scrap of paper 
Great Britain was going to war. ... I protested 
strongly against that statement, and said that, in the 
same way as he and Herr von Jagow wished me to 
understand that for strategical reasons it was a matter of 
life and death to Germany to advance through Belgium 
and violate the latter's neutrality, so I would wish him 
to understand that it was, so to speak, a matter of * life 

Facts about the War 13 

and death ' for the honour of Great Britain that she 
should keep her solemn engagement to do her utmost to 
defend Belgium's neutrality if attacked. That solemn 
compact simply had to be kept, or what confidence could 
anyone have in engagements given by Great Britain in 
the future ? The Chancellor said, < But at what price 
will that compact have been kept?' Has the 
British Government thought of that ? I hinted to His 
Excellency as plainly as I could that fear of con- 
sequences could hardly be regarded as an excuse for 
breaking solemn engagements." 

British Ambassador's report of his last 
conversation with German Chancellor, 
August 4. 

(d) For the safety of ourselves and of our Empire. 

" The old century saw a German Europe. The new 
one shall see a German world." 

Koloniale Zeitschvift, January 18, 1900. 

" The trident must be in our hands." 

The Kaiser. 

" England can employ her regular army in a Con- 
tinental war only so long as all is quiet in the Colonies. 
This fact brings into prominence how important it will 
be, should war break out, to threaten England in her 
colonial possessions, and especially in Egypt." 

Von Bernhardi. 

" We mean to defend our colonies, and to acquire 
somewhere agricultural colonies. ... In order to attain 
this modest aim, we want to-day a large fleet. . . . We 
must wish at any price that a German country, peopled 
with twenty to thirty million Germans, may grow up in 

14 Facts about the War 

Southern Brazil. . . . We do not mean to press for an 
economic alliance with Holland, but if they are wise, 
if they do not want to lose their colonies one day, as 
Spain did, they will hasten to seek our alliance. " 

Professor Schmoller, Berlin University, 
Member of Prussian Privy Council and 
Prussian Upper Chamber (lecture delivered 
at Berlin, Strasburg, and Hanover). 

11 The possession of South Africa offers greater 
advantages in every respect than the possession 
of Southern Brazil. If we look on the map, our 
German colonies look very good positions for attack." 

Die Grenzboten, April 15, 1897. 

" England insists on being the only great commercial 
Power of the world, and is only willing to allow other 
nations the favour of owning small fragments as enclaves 
wedged in helplessly between her possessions. This is 
what we neither can nor intend to tolerate. As England 
cannot be expected to give way peaceably, and as her 
great naval power cannot be overwhelmed by a single 
State, the real remedy will be an alliance against her of 

all her rivals." 

Hans Delbruck, Professor of History in 
Berlin, North American Review, January, 1900. 

For further points under this heading see Section VII. 

(e) In the cause of civilization and of liberty, and of inter- 
national law, which the Germans have shamelessly 
German violations of international law : 

1. Invasion of Belgium and of Luxemburg. See 
Section (c). 

Facts about the War 15 

2. Bombardment of unfortified towns, such as 
Malines, Termonde, Louvain. 

A correspondent telegraphs from Antwerp : 

" I have returned from Malines, which has been bom- 
barded for the third time, although it was an open town 
without the least defence. 

" On Sunday, at 9.30 a.m., people were returning from 
church when a shell fell in the middle of a group, killing 
several persons. The remainder flea to a cafe, and 
shortly afterwards another shell exploded in the cafe, and 
several persons were wounded. The rain of shells con- 
tinued at the rate of fifty an hour. The first fell on the 
railway-station at eight o'clock, and then others fell in 
the Place de la Gare and in the neighbourhood, setting 
fire to the station, the barracks, a cabinet-maker's factory, 
the establishment of the Little Sisters of the Poor, 
the National Stamp Manufactory, and several private 

"Other houses collapsed in the street, completely 
blocking traffic. Fort Waelhem and Wavre replied 
vigorously until the evening. 

" The Cathedral of St. Rombaut is almost completely 
destroyed, and the tower is seriously injured." 

Central News, Amsterdam, September 28. 

On Saturday, September 2, an airship dropped four 
bombs on Deynze, described by Baedeker as " a small 
town with an old church." It is an open town of no 
military importance. The principal building is the 
hospital of the Sisters of St. Paul, which at the time 
flew the Red Cross flag and sheltered some 200 people, 
aged, sick, or orphans, with the Sisters of the Order. 


Facts about the War 

The bombs wrecked the dormitory of the Sisters of 
Mercy, and that none were killed was nothing less than 
a miracle. The incident is described by an eye-witness 
in the Morning Post, September 29. 

Such conduct is directly contrary to Article 25 of the 
Hague Convention of 1907, which was signed by Ger- 
many, and which reads : " It is forbidden to attack or to 
bombard by any means whatsoever unfortified towns, 
villages, dwellings, or buildings." 

3. Levying of indemnities on cities in countries still 

Up to the present the Germans have demanded a total 
indemnity of more than ^"28,000,000 from the towns and 
districts they have occupied. The published demands 
are as follows : 

Antwerp... ... ... ... ... ^20,000,000 

Brussels ... ... ... ... ... 8,000,000 

Li&ge ... ... ... ... ... 2,000,000 

Louvain ... ... ... ... ... 4,000 

Province of Brabant ... ... ... 18,000,000 

Lille 280,000 

Amiens, Roubaix and Tourcoing, each 40,000 

Smaller amounts have been asked from other towns. 

This is contrary to Articles 49 and 50 of the Hague 
Convention of 1907, signed by Germany, which read : 

Article 49. 

" Money contributions upon territory occupied may be 
levied only for the needs of the army or of the adminis- 
tration of the district." 

Article 50. 

" No collective punishment or fine may be imposed I 
upon any body of people because of the action off 

Facts about the War ij 

individuals for which they could not be considered as 
collectively responsible." 

4. Laying of mines, not to defend harbours, which 
is lawful, but on the high seas, and along trade 

This is contrary to Article 2 of Convention VIII. of 
the Hague (1907), by which " it is forbidden to lay auto- 
matic contact mines oft the ports and coasts of the 
enemy, with the sole object of intercepting commercial 
navigation. ,, It is true that Germany did not sign this 
section without reservations. 

When the subject of mines was being discussed Baron 
Marschall von Bieberstein, the German delegate, said : 

" A belligerent who lays mines assumes a very heavy 
responsibility towards neutrals and peaceful shipping. 
On that point we are all agreed. No one will resort 
to such means unless for military reasons of an 
absolutely urgent character. But military acts are 
not governed solely by principles of international law. 
There are other factors. Conscience, good sense, and 
the sentiment of duty imposed by principles of humanity 
will be the surest guide for the conduct of sailors, and 
will constitute the most effective guarantee against 
abuses. The officers of the German Navy, I emphati- 
cally affirm, will always fulfil in the strictest fashion the 
duties which emanate from the unwritten law of humanity 
and civilization." 

On October 27 the Manchester Commerce (5,363 tons) 
was wrecked by a mine twenty miles north of Tory 
Island, on the Irish Coast, and her captain and thirteen 
of the crew drowned. Many trawlers have been lost in 


1 8 Facts about the War 

the North Sea by contact with floating mines, and the 
existence of such mines on trade routes is against the 
terms of the Hague Convention, but the laying of a 
mine-field in the Atlantic, in a region removed from the 
operations of the German Fleet, is an even more open and 
deadly breach of Article 2. 

5. Atrocities upon defenceless and unoffending 

Such atrocities are of course contrary not only to the 
Fourth Convention of the Hague Conference of 1907, 
but also to the elementary dictates of humanity. They 
have taken place in the heat of battle in all wars, but 
those of Germany in the present struggle have been so 
numerous and systematic that attention must be called 
to them. The most notorious is the sack of the town of 

Louvain was a University town, containing many 
ancient historic buildings, a famous Library, Cathedral, 
and Hotel de Ville. On August 26 German troops, 
repulsed by Belgians, entered the town, which was 
already occupied by a German garrison. They after- 
wards declared that they were fired on by the towns- 
people, but the latter declared that all their arms had 
been given up some days before, and that in the con- 
fusion the German garrison fired on their comrades. 
In any case the Germans deliberately fired a greater 
part of the town, burning the inhabitants in their houses, 
and shooting others indescriminately. Bodies of civilians 
lay about in the streets and squares, and of the survivors 
several thousand males were sent as prisoners of war to 

Facts about the War 19 

The Bombardment of Rheims. 

The storm of indignation roused by this led the 
German Goverment to make excuses. The value of 
these may be judged from the following specimen sent 
to Copenhagen from Berlin : 

1. Rheims is a fortress and a French base for defence. 
Hence the bombardment is the fault of the French. 

2. French guns were posted behind the Cathedral. 

3. The white flag was hoisted on the Cathedral, but 
the French used one of the towers for observation. 

4. The damage done is insignificant, and can easily be 

The last " excuse " may be supplemented by the 
following from the Frankfurter Zeitung : 

" If the German armies, in their victorious advance, 
are obliged to drive the enemy not only from armoured 
forts, but also from ancient homes of culture, we have at 
least the comforting certainty that the dearly bought 
victory will bring for the joy and glory of the human 
race greater and more splendid works than the towering 
churches of the Middle Ages, which are being needlessly 
endangered by the heirs of their founders.'' 

There appeared in the same journal two days later, 
on September 24, an article on the destruction of Louvain 
from the pen of Professor F. Kluge, Professor of German 
Language and Literature at Freiburg University, under 
the title " Superfluous Sentimentality." In this article 
the German scholar makes light of the loss to the world 
of the library of Louvain University, and gives ex- 
pression to the same unquestioning confidence in Ger- 
man genius to raise a library of greater value in its 

20 Facts about the War 

place. The Germans have always been considered the 
most sentimental of all peoples, yet the Freiburg Pro- 
fessor writes : 

"We must not allow ourselves to be infected even by 
genuine and true sentimentality. All the wounds that 
cruel war inflicts must heal again in peace." 

The following letter from M. Arthur Terwagne, a 
brother of the Deputy of Antwerp, gives a detailed account 
of the fate of Dinant : 

" It will be remembered that on August 15 a tre- 
mendous battle was fought in the streets of the town 
between the French and the Germans. The town 
suffered very little during this battle, only a few houses 
afterwards bearing signs of the bombardment, which 
lasted thirteen hours. During the following days the 
French retired on to the left bank of the Meuse. In the 
night of August 21a German armoured motor-car entered 
Dinant by the Rue Saint-Jacques and, without the 
slightest provocation, began to fire on the houses in the 
street. A woman sleeping in her bed was killed, and her 
child, which was at her side, was mortally wounded. 
Startled by the noise of the firing, a man and his wife 
opened the door of their house. They were immediately 
done to death by Uhlans. An employee of the gasworks 
who was returning from his work was killed on his door- 
step. The assassins — for one cannot call them soldiers — 
set fire to several houses before they bravely withdrew. 

" But these savage acts were only the prelude. . . . 
On the following day large masses of troops arrived and 
forced open the doors of the houses and murdered every- 
one they found within. There was Victor Poncelet done 
to death in the presence of his wife and of his six children ; 

Facts about the War 21 

there were the members of the staff of the firm of Capelle 
murdered in cold blood. In every house a fresh crime 
was committed, while the women were driven from their 
beds and taken, half-naked, to a monastery, where they 
were kept for three days with hardly any food, half-dead 
with hunger and fear. 

" Over 200 men and lads — old men of seventy-five and 
boys of twelve and fourteen — fathers and sons together, 
were driven on to the Place d'Armes. In order that the 
work might be carried out more quickly a machine gun 
was brought up. It was here that Xavier Wasseige, the 
manager of the Banque de la Meuse, was killed, together 
with his two sons, and here, too, died Camille Fisette and 
his little boy, aged twelve. 

"The fate of the male inhabitants having thus been 
settled, the Germans set to work methodically on the 
destruction of the town, using bombs to set fire to the 
houses. Soon nothing but a heap of ashes remained." 
Published in Le Matin, September 26. 

" I never realized what an awful thing war is. You 
cannot imagine at home the horror of it. I am in a 
small village on the extreme left, and can see the horrible 
cruelty of the Germans to the inhabitants. We have got 
three girls in the trenches with us, who came to us for 
protection. One had no clothes on, having been out- 
raged by the Germans. I have given her my shirt and 
divided my rations among them. In consequence I feel 
rather hungry, having had nothing for thirty-two hours, 
except some milk chocolate. 

u We have been hard at the Germans all day (now 
8 p.m.), and have successfully driven them back. Our 
men's shooting is wonderful and accurate. The Germans 

22 Facts about the War 

collapse like ninepins under it. The slaughter is 
awful. ... I started this morning with fifty men in 
my trench, and now have twenty-three and no non- 
commissioned officers. They are wonderfully cheery. 
I have been hit twice ; one took the heel of my boot off, 
and one through my shoulder, which is rather sore, so I 
must have it dressed. . . . 

" Another poor girl has just come in, having had both 
her breasts cut off. Luckily, I caught the Uhlan officer 
in the act, and with a rifle at 300 yards killed him. And 
now she is with us, but, poor girl, I am afraid she will 
die. She is very pretty, and only about nineteen, and 
only has her skirt on. . . ." 

Letter from a British officer to his father, 
published in the Times, September 12. The 
name and regiment of the officer was 
procured by the Times before publication. 

A common practice in both the German and Austrian 
armies is the taking of prominent civilians as hostages, 
whose lives are to be forfeited should the rest of the 
civilian population act, or be supposed to have acted, to 
the detriment of the invader. This method of punishing 
the innocent is a revival of medieval barbarism. 

The following agreeable announcement was posted at 
the Belfry and the Town Hall, Tournai, on Sep- 
tember 23 : 

"To our Fellow-Citizens. 

"The military authorities have informed us that the 
telegraphic and telephonic communications of the 
German Army have been cut. 

"The Army has therefore immediately seized as 
hostages Monsieur Louis Caty, Councillor (Prefectoral), 

Facts about the War 23 

Monsieur Victor Maistrian, Deputy Mayor, Jean 
l'Honneaux, Professor at the Athen6e Royale. 

"The citizens are answerable with their heads as well 
as the hostages for the public tranquillity and security, 
as well as the maintenance and protection of the railways, 
telegraphic and telephonic communications. The authors 
of any attempt on these communications will be im- 
mediately put to death. 

"We therefore earnestly beg our fellow-citizens to 
abstain from any act which could possibly be regarded 
as calculated to interrupt the communications mentioned. 

" The lives of the hostages would certainly be sacrificed 

"The Councillor (Prefectoral). 

" Georges Heupgen. 

"The Burgomaster, Jean Lescats. 

" Mons, September 22, 1914. 

"The Officer Commanding the lines of communi- 
cation, Maubeuge — Mons. 

" Steinicke. 
" Approved, Mons, September 22, 1914." 

Extract from Proclamation by officer in command of 
German forces occupying the Commune of Grivegnee, 
near Li&ge. (Issued to British papers by Official Press 
Bureau, September 24). 

" (6) I shall select, outside the lists given me, persons 
who from noon on one day to noon on the next have to 
stay as hostages. If the relieving hostage does not 
appear punctually, the first hostage will be detained for 
another twenty-four hours in the fort. After a second 
twenty-four hours he may be shot if his substitute does 
not appear. 

24 Facts about the War 

" (7) In the first class among hostages will be placed 
the priests, the burgomasters, and the members of the 
Administration of the communes." 

On this subject the following official German state- 
ment was issued : 

" The only means of preventing surprise attacks 
from the civil population has been to interfere 
with unrelenting severity, and to create examples 
which by their frightfulness would be a warning 
to the whole country." 

In a telegram to the President of the United States 
the Kaiser said : 

" My heart bleeds when I think that such measures 
should have become inevitable." 



In no other conflict, not even in the war against 
Napoleon, has British opinion been so unanimous. 
Party strife is at an end. 

1. Liberal. 
" If I am asked what we are fighting for I can reply 
in two sentences. In the first place, to fulfil a solemn 
international obligation . . . secondly, we are fighting 
to vindicate the principle which, in these days, when 
material force sometimes seems to be the dominant 
factor and influence in the development of mankind, 

Facts about the War 25 

that small nationalities are not to be crushed, in defiance 
of international good faith, by the arbitrary will of a 
strong and overmastering Power." 

Mr. Asquith, House of Commons, August 7. 

" The ultimate and not far distant aim of 
Germany was to crush the independence and the 
autonomy of the free States of Europe. First 
Belgium, then Holland and Switzerland— countries, 

like our own, imbued and sustained with the spirit 
of liberty — we were one after the other to be bent to 
the yoke, and these ambitions were fed and fostered 
by a body of new doctrines and new philosophy 
preached by professors and learned men. The free and 
full self-development which to these small States, to 
ourselves, to our great and growing Dominions over 
the seas, to our kinsmen across the Atlantic, is the 
well-spring and life-breath of national existence ; that 
free self-development is the one capital offence in the 
code of those who have made force their supreme 
divinity and upon its altars are prepared to sacrifice both 
the gathered fruits and potential germs of the unfettered 
human spirit. I use this language advisedly. This is 
not merely a material, it is also a spiritual conflict. 
Upon this issue everything that contains the promise 
and hope that leads to emancipation and fuller liberty for 
the millions who make up the masses of mankind will 
be found sooner or later to depend." 

Mr. Asquith, Guildhall, September 4. 

" The progress of the war has revealed what a terrible 
and immoral thing German militarism is. It is against 
German militarism that we must fight. The whole of 

26 Facts about the War 

Western Europe would fall under it if Germany were to 
be successful in this war. But if, as the result of the 
war, the independence and integrity of the smaller Euro- 
pean States can be secured and Western Europe liberated 
from the menace of German militarism — for it is not the 
German people but Prussian militarism which has driven 
Germany and Europe into this war — if that militarism 
can be overcome, then, indeed, there will be a brighter 
and a freer day for Europe, which will compensate us 
for the awful sacrifices that war entails.'' 

Sir Edward Grey, letter to constituents, 

" We want every penny we can raise to fight the 
common enemy, and our first consideration ought to be 
to win. That is our first consideration. Unless we do 
that, there will be no country for municipalities or 
Governments to administer. The first thing is that we 
should come out triumphant in this struggle, and as 
finance is going to play a very great part we must husband 
our resources. ... Of course, if we have great victories, 
and smashing victories, that is all right, but then they 
may not come yet. We may have fluctuations, and 
things may last long. We are fighting a very tough 
enemy, who is very well prepared for the fight, and he 
will probably fight to the very end before he will accept 
the conditions upon which we can possibly make peace, 
if we are wise. . . . We must work as partners and 
work together — all parties, all sections of the people, the 
Government, and municipalities — until we carry the old 
country through to a triumphant conclusion." 

Mr. Lloyd George, answer to deputation of 
Municipal Associations, Times, September 9. 

Facts about the* War 27 

" I am a Radical who has always belonged — and when 
this war is over trust still to belong — to the pacificist 
school of British politicians. I confess that I was one of 
those who never believed that Germany wanted war with 
either France or this country. I knew that there were 
German as well as English Jingoes, but I thought that 
the serene good sense of the land of Kant and Goethe 
would prevail against the colossal vanity of the insensate 
megalomania of the school of Treitschke and Bern- 

" After perusing once more Bernhardi's ' Germany 
and the Next War,' which was first published in 
October, 191 1, and considering what I once regarded its 
wild vapourings in the light of recent events, I have 
been driven reluctantly — almost mutinously — to the 
conclusion that the intellectual and ruling classes of 
Germany have for the last two generations been hoping 
and preparing for this devastating war. On Monday, 
August 3rd, I pleaded in the House of Commons that 
our country should remain, if in any way possible con- 
sistently with honour, neutral in the conflict. The 
White Paper had not then been published, nor Sir E. 
Goschen's dispatch, dated August 8th, giving an account 
of his last interview with the German Chancellor. I 
am now convinced that every consideration of policy and 
of honour, even of existence as a Great Power, compelled 
this country to take a hand in the war. Sir Edward 
Grey and the Government have saved England from a 
blunder which would have been worse than a crime." 
Llewellyn Williams, M.P., Times, September 3. 

11 German civil liberties were crushed under the heel of 
an insolent caste. Its astonishing genius for organiza- 

28 Facts about the War 

tion became the instrument for military efficiency, and 
Bismarck's schemes of State socialism were all governed 
by the twin purpose of making the people subservient at 
home and feared abroad. Even the nationalization of 
the railways, admirable though its results have been, 
was designed not as a measure of social amelioration, 
but as a measure of military necessity. Every ingenuity 
of the science of destruction has been developed with 
absorbing energy, and no consideration of pity or human- 
ity has been allowed to interfere with the decrees of the 
god of blood and iron. That deity has no bowels of 
compassion. He grinds the small nations he has under- 
taken to protect under his iron heel and talks of a sacred 
treaty as 'a scrap of paper.' He strews the seas with 
his engines of death, regardless of what disaster they may 
bring to the innocent. He flings his bombs from the sky 
upon the sleeping city, scornful of women and children. 
He burns towns and villages, and slaughters the old and 
the weak, not in anger or in lust, but according to an 
iron rule. He is merciless even with his own. He flings 
them in close formation on certain death. They must 
hack their way through or die. ' Better to lose an army 
corps than change a plan.' It is all force — force— force 
— soulless and cruel and barbaric. It is divorced from 
all moral considerations — from mercy, from justice, from 
pity. It is an idol of iron that stands to-day in a 
sea of blood. 

" It is this idol which Europe has to break. Until it 
is broken to dust there can be no peace in this world. 
We cannot live under the sanction of Attila and his 
Huns and the clank of the sword of Zabern." 

A. G. Gardiner, editor of the Daily News. 

Facts about the War 29 

2. Unionist. 

" In this supreme struggle, in everything connected 

with it until it is brought to a triumphant close, the head 

of our Government must speak, not as the leader of a 

party, but as the mouthpiece of the nation. We are 

a peace-loving people, but never, I believe, in our history 

has the whole nation been so convinced as it is to-day 

that the cause for which we are fighting is righteous and 

just. We strove for peace by all means to the last 

moment, but when, in spite of our efforts, war came, we 

could not stand aside. The honour and the interests of 

Great Britain — and, believe me, they go together —alike 

forbade it." 

Mr. Bonar Law, Guildhall, September 4. 

" The Prime Minister and the Leader of the Unionist 
party in the House of Commons have symbolized on 
this platform that unity of purpose which animates the 
whole Empire — a unity which will not be broken, a unity 
which will produce, and must produce, in the long run 
that irresistible pressure upon the course of the war 
which will carry into effect the aspirations to which they 
have given such magnificent utterance. I feel through 
every fibre of my being that at this great crisis of our 
history, not only is there every call upon the manhood 
of the nation, but we are all asked, whether old or young, 
rich or poor, to make sacrifices for the common cause. 
We are called to a task as great and noble, and as intim- 
ately connected with the progress, prosperity, and the 
morality of mankind, as any nation ever was in the whole 
long history of human effort." 

Mr. Balfour, Guildhall, September 4. 

30 Facts about the War 

" Earl Curzon said he did not care twopence on that 
occasion whether he was a Conservative or anything else. 
For the present the whole country was putting every- 
thing in the background until it had seen this business 
through, be it early or be it late. 

" It was the duty of every eligible young man to come 
to the assistance of his country, putting his personal man- 
hood into the national pool. We were fighting because 
in the circumstances it would have been a national 
shame and dishonour to do anything but fight. They 
were fighting against a system, a nation, and a man. 
The system was believed in by the nation, and it was 
impressed upon the nation by the man. It was our duty 
to extirpate the system, to defeat the nation, and to 

destroy the man." 

Lord Curzon, at Aberdeen, September 8. 

3, Irish. 

" I greatly appreciate the action of our Volunteers in 
rallying so enthusiastically to my call for defenders of 
the Empire. To those who have not already responded 
to that call, and are eligible and can go, I say— Quit 
yourselves like men and comply with your country's 
demand. Enlist at once for the Ulster Division in Lord 
Kitchener's Army for the period of war. You were 
formed to defend our citizenship in the United Kingdom 
and the Empire, and so preserve our civil and religious 
liberty. Now the United Kingdom and the Empire are 
threatened we must fight with our fellow-Britishers 
until victory is assured." 

Sir E. Carson, message to Ulster, August 8. 

Facts about the War 31 

" In past times, when this Empire has been engaged 
in these terrible enterprises, it is true — it would be the 
utmost affectation and folly on my part to deny it — the 
sympathy of the Nationalists of Ireland, for reasons to 
be found deep down in centuries of history, has been 
estranged from this country. But what has occurred in 
recent years has altered the situation. . . . To-day I 
honestly believe that the democracy of Ireland will turn 
with the utmost sympathy and anxiety to this country in 
every trial and every danger that may overtake it. . . . 
I say to the Government that they may to-day withdraw 
every one of their troops from Ireland. I say that the 
coasts of Ireland will be defended by our armed sons, 
and for this purpose the armed Catholics of the south 
will gladly join forces with the armed Protestant Ulster- 
men of the north." 

Mr. John Redmond, House of Commons, 

August 3. 

4. Labour Party. 

The Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union 
Congress has issued a manifesto to trade unionists of the 
country on the war : 

" The manifesto states that the Committee was 
especially gratified at the manner in which the Labour 
party in the House of Commons had responded to the 
appeal made to all political parties to give their co- 
operation in securing the enlistment of men to defend 
the interests of their country, and heartily endorsed the 
appointment upon the Parliamentary Committee of four 
members of the party and the placing of the services of 
the National Agent at the disposal of that Committee to 
assist in carrying through its secretarial work." 

32 Facts about the War 

5. Socialist. 

"At last the British people are obliged to own that 
the German menace was real, and that the ' war scare ' 
they laughed at was a danger and must now be met. 
We are not righting because we want to fight, we are 
righting because we must. I say we must fight. It is 
not only the professional soldiers and sailors who 
must fight : we must all fight. We must fight or go 
under ; more than that, we must win or go under." 

Robert Blatchford, pamphlet 
" Germany and England." 

6. The Churches. 

" I make this appeal to our Secretaries, who are, as 
it were, the staff officers of our movement, to do all that 
in them lies to make each branch a keen and effective 
unit in the supreme effort which Church and Nation are 
now called to make for the safety and honour of the 
Empire. The first duty of a branch is to do all it can 
among its own members and in the parish or neighbour- 
hood to get young and able-bodied men to volunteer for 
service either in the Army or in the Territorial Forces." 
Quarterly letter of the Archbishop of 
York, Church of England Men's Associa- 

" In obedience to our treaty obligations and in support 
of Belgium's just claim, our country had no choice but 
to take up the sword if honourable dealing was to have 
any chance of surviving in international affairs. The 
cynicism and the duplicity against which we are thus 
called to fight are worse than war, notwithstanding all 

Facts about the War 33 

its horrors and its miseries, and for my part I trust that 
every Englishman will do his part in the cause of 
righteous dealing and to free our civilization from the 
maleficent and unscrupulous pride of military despotism." 
Bishop of Hereford, Times, August 12. 

"We are at war, not with the German people, but 
with the insane presumption and the intolerable bureau- 
cratic arrogance of the German Imperial system. As 
the Prime Minister said, this war has been forced upon 
us. We believe we are unsheathing our swords in a 
just cause. We are fighting to fulfil a solemn inter- 
national obligation and to vindicate the principle that 
small nationalities are not to be crushed. We shall 
suffer, whatever the outcome of the war. We shall 
endure that suffering with quiet resignation and with 
unswerving patience. We say, in the words of Shakes- 
peare — 

* Had I a dozen sons, each in my love alike ... I 
had rather had eleven die nobly for their country than 
one voluptuously surfeit out of action/ " 

Archdeacon Wilberforce, Sunday, 
August 9. 

" The Roman Catholic Bishop of Kildare, in a letter 
which was read in all the churches of his diocese on 
Sunday, August 9, says that it is the duty of his flock as 
faithful Christians and loyal citizens of the great Empire 
to which they are proud to belong to offer prayers for the 
success of England and her Allies." 

Times, August 11. 

11 It is well for England that in this day when she is 
bared for battle, she goes into the fight with the know- 


34 Facts about the War 

ledge that she is striking for the noblest of all causes — 
for the sake of human faithfulness, for the sanctity of 
treaties and of trust between nations." 

The Tablet, August 8. 

7. Nonconformist. 

11 It is nearly certain that the close will be attained 
only after a terrific and prolonged strife. Lord Kitchener 
is said to reckon the period at two or three years, and in 
one form or another the struggle may last even longer. 
We cannot be satisfied with an inadequate representa- 
tion in the field. The gallant brothers who have so 
nobly fought our battle up till now must not fight in 
vain. All they have achieved and all they have suffered 
will come to nothing if they are not supported by con- 
tinual reinforcements. We agree with the Spectator that 
500,000 men is a very low estimate in view of the 
stupendous numbers of our antagonists. We can easily 
put in the field the number required. Five hundred 
thousand men would mean about 1 per cent, of the 
population, and there is every sign that 2 per cent, will 
be needed ere the war is over. 

11 Reasons why young men, and particularly Noncon- 
formists, should enrol themselves : 

" 1. The war was thrust upon us. 

11 2. We went to war in order that we might be true to 
our sacred and solemn obligations. 

" 3. The German Emperor has cast out of his people 
the spirit of liberty. 

" 4. Our own life as a nation has to be fought for to 
the death. 

" 5. This is a war on behalf of the common people. 

Facts about the War 35 

The success of Germany would be the end of democracy 
for many a weary year. 

" 6. We are fighting for our children. Are they to be 
born and live in tributary provinces of Germany ?" 

Dr. Robertson Nicoll in British Weekly, 
September 3. 

The Committee of Privileges of the Wesleyan Method- 
ist Church, speaking on behalf of that body, has passed 
a resolution declaring its conviction that the British 
Government only drew the sword when plighted faith 
and national safety left no alternative course, that 
Britain's part in the war is one on which she can appeal 
for victory to the God of Righteousness and Peace, and 
that the liberties not of Britain only, but of Europe, 
would perish if German militarism should conquer. 

It also "recognizes with satisfaction and pride the 

alacrity with which the young manhood of our Church 

has responded and is responding to the call of their 

country in its hour of need." 

Times, September 12. 

Message from Society of Friends. 

11 We recognize that our Government has made most 
strenuous efforts to preserve peace, and has entered upon 
the war with a grave sense of duty to a smaller State. . . . 
While as a Society we stand firmly in the belief that the 
method of war is no solution of any question, we hold 
that the present moment is not one for criticism but of 
devoted service to our nation." 

Published in Times, and circulated through- 
out the Society, August, 1914. 

36 Facts about the War 

8. Lord Roberts. 

" I am proud to be the first to welcome you as brother 
soldiers and to congratulate you on the splendid example 
you are setting to your fellow-countrymen, coming 
forward, as you have done, to take your places in the 
ranks as private soldiers, not seeking, as the vast majority 
of men in your station of life are seeking, to be given 
commissions as officers. We require hundreds of 
thousands of soldiers, and of these only a minimum 
number can be officers. Moreover, it is absolutely essential 
that officers should be trained and disciplined — sufficiently 
trained and disciplined to warrant their being entrusted 
to command and lead soldiers in war. You are the pick 
of the nation, highly educated, business men, men of 
various professions, and you are doing exactly what all 
able-bodied men in the kingdom should do, no matter 
what their rank or what their station in life may be. 

" I respect and honour you more than I can say. My 
feeling towards you is one of intense admiration. How 
very different is your action to that of the men who can 
still go on with their cricket and football, as if the very 
existence of the country were not at stake ! This is not 
the time to play games, wholesome as they are in 
days of piping peace. We are engaged in a life and 
death struggle, and you are showing your determination 
to do your duty as soldiers, and, by all means in your 
power, to bring this war — a war forced upon us by an 
ambitious and unscrupulous nation — to a successful 
result. God bless and watch over you all." 

Lord Roberts to the Royal Fusiliers, 
August 31. 

Facts about the War 37 



On this the Germans had not reckoned. 

11 You must remember that it is precisely the British 
Empire which is the great object of attack — not 
France, not Russia, not even Great Britain, but the 
position of hegemony which the British Empire holds, 
and the ideals which we stand for throughout the world." 

Lord Milner at King's College, 
October 28. 

" There are clear indications that the policy of the 
dominions, though not yet planning a separation from 
England, is contemplating the future prospect of doing 
so. Canada, South Africa, and Australia are developing, 
as mentioned in Chapter IV., into independent nations 
and States, and will, when their time comes, claim formal 

" The British Empire is divided from the military 
point of view into two divisions : into the United King- 
dom itself with the Colonies governed by the English 
Cabinet, and the self-governing Colonies. These 
latter have at their disposal a militia, which is sometimes 
only in process of formation. They can be com- 
pletely ignored so far as concerns any European 
theatre of war." 

Von Bernhardi. 

Instead of this being the case, enthusiastic offers of 
valuable help come in almost daily. Up to the present 
the following are the chief : 

38 Facts about the War 

Australia. — The Royal Australian Navy has been 
placed under the control of the Admiralty. This 
includes : 

1 battle cruiser, 
5 light cruisers, 

and a number of gunboats and destroyers, built and 

These have already done good service, including the 
capture of wireless stations in the New Bismarck 
archipelago and the capture of German New Guinea. 

Two contingents, one of 20,000 and one of 10,000 mem 
have been raised. 

Large gifts of men and provisions are being made by 
the separate states. Export of foodstuffs prohibited to 
any country save the United Kingdom. 

11 Australia will support Great Britain with her last 
man and her last shilling. ,, 

Mr. Fisher, Prime Minister (Labour), of 

Canada. — Navy of two light cruisers and two sub- 
marines placed at disposal of Admiralty. 

Contingents raised and trained of about 32,000 men, 
chosen from over 150,000 volunteers. 

One million bags (98,000,000 pounds, valued at 
^"800,000) of flour sent as a gift. 

Patriotic funds of over ^"1,000,000. War loan of 
;£" 1 0,000,000. 

Many provincial and private gifts, including : 

Ontario : ^"100,000, and 250,000 bags of flour. 
Quebec : 4,000,000 pounds of cheese. 

Facts about the War 39 

Alberta : 8,500 tons of oats. 

British Columbia: 100,000 barrels of apples, and 
1,200,000 pounds of salmon. 

Nova Scotia : 100,000 tons of coal. 

" As to our duty all are agreed, east and west, and 
shoulder to shoulder, with Britain and the other British 
Dominions in this quarrel. And that duty we shall not 
fail to fulfil as the honour of Canada demands. Not for 
love of battle, not for lust of conquest, not for greed of pos- 
sessions, but for the cause of honour, to maintain solemn 
pledges, to uphold principles of liberty, to withstand 
forces that would convert the world into an armed camp, 
yes, in the very name of the peace that we sought at any 
cost, save that of dishonour, we have entered into this 

war " 

Sir Robert Borden, Prime Minister of 

Canada (Conservative), in Canadian House 

of Commons, August 19. 

11 Upon this occasion we invoke the blessing of God, 
not the god of battles, but the God of justice and of 
mercy, and it is with an ample trust in Providence that 
we appeal to the justice of our cause. . . . Even those 
who on principle do not believe in war, admit that this 
was a just war, and that it had to be fought." 

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Leader of the Oppo- 
sition (Liberal), in Canadian House of 
Commons, August 19. 

Newfoundland. — Contributes 850 men for land ser- 
vice abroad, raises another 500 for home defence, and 
increases naval reserve from 600 to 1,000. 

Also gifts of timber. 

4o Facts about the War 

New Zealand. — The New Zealand naval force placed 
under the control of the Admiralty. The battle cruiser 
New Zealand of this force was prominent in the fight off 
Heligoland on August 29. An Expeditionary Force has 
captured Samoa. 

Force of all arms of over 8,000 officers and men 
are on their way to the front, and provision has been 
made for drafts to keep the force at its full strength. 

Naval Reserve and Garrison Artillery called out. 

Large private gifts in money and provisions. 

South Africa. — On the request of the Imperial 
Government, which considers this the most effective 
service she can render, South Africa has undertaken to 
defend her own territories, which have been invaded 
from German South-West Africa, and to push her own 
attack into that territory. 

11 There could only be one reply to the Imperial Govern- 
ment's request. There were many in South Africa who 
did not recognize the tremendous seriousness and great 
possibilities of this war, and some thought that the storm 
did not threaten South Africa. This was a most narrow- 
minded conception. The Empire was at war; conse- 
quently South Africa was at war with the common 
enemy. Only two paths were open — the path of faith- 
fulness to duty and honour and the path of disloyalty and 
dishonour. To forget their loyalty to the Empire in this 
hour of trial would be scandalous and shameful, and 
would blacken South Africa in the eyes of the whole 
world. Of this South Africans were incapable. 

" Their duty and their conscience alike bade them be 
faithful and true to the Imperial Government in all 

Facts about the War 41 

respects in this hour of darkness and trouble. That was 
the attitude of the Union Government; that was the 
attitude of the people of South Africa." 

General Botha, Prime Minister of South 
Africa, in South African House of Commons, 
September 9. 

Sir Thomas Smartt, Leader of the Opposition, said 
that the message which the Prime Minister by his speech 
had given to the Home Country would send a thrill of 
pride through the Empire — a thrill of pride at knowing 
that in the day of danger South Africa had been true to 
her trust and had remembered her obligations as well as 
her privileges of free citizenship. 

[The German machinations in South Africa succeeded 
in inducing a small number of Dutch to revolt, but these 
rebels are already in retreat and confusion, and there is 
every sign that the common danger is uniting Dutch and 
British as never before.] 

The Crown Colonies. 

Barbados. — ^"20,000. 

British Guiana. — One thousand tons of sugar. 

Ceylon. — The Planters' Association provides one 
million pounds of tea for use of troops in the field. 

Falkland Islands. — ^2,250 voted (about £1 per head 
of population) ; also ^750 privately subscribed. 

Jamaica. — Sugar to value of ^"50,000. 

Leeward Islands. — ^"5,000. 

Mauritius. — Two million pounds of sugar for Army 
and Navy. 

Rhodesia. — A contingent for Union Defence Force. 

42 Facts about the War 



One of the firmest convictions of Germany was that in 
the event of Great Britain being engaged in a European 
war, India would rise against the British raj. 

The following opinions are frequently echoed in recent 
German political writings : 

" Now that a pronounced revolutionary and nationalist 
tendency shows itself among the [Hindu population], 
the danger is imminent that Pan-Islamism, thoroughly 
roused, should unite itself with the revolutionary elements 
in Bengal." Von Bernhardi. 

The answer to this has been given in deeds — not 

An expeditionary force of 70,000, partly British and 
partly native, was at once sent, and further brigades are 
ready when needed. 

The keynote of India's response to the news that 
Britain and the Empire were in danger was struck by 
the Maharajah of Rewa. He wrote to the Viceroy : 

11 What orders from His Majesty for me and my 
troops ?" 

The Rulers of the Native States, nearly seven hundred 
in number, have, with one accord, offered their personal 
services, the resources of their States, and all their troops 
for the war. In some cases motor-cars and personal 
jewellery have been offered, as a token that nothing is 
being withheld. A large Indian Relief Fund has been 
raised, and magnificent contributions made to the Prince 

Facts about the War 43 

of Wales's Fund. A few of the more prominent contri- 
butions are as follows : 

Nizam of Hyderabad, ^"400,000 for regiments in the 

Maharajah of Mysore, Rs. 50 lakhs (^"333,000). 

Several Durbars, especially Gwalior and Bhopal, 
hospital ship the Loyalty. 

Chief of Gwalior, large sums of money and a large 
number of horses. 

Maharajah Holkar, the Nizam, Jamnagur and other 
Bombay States, money and horses. 

Bikanir, camel corps. 

The following chiefs have been selected from the many 
volunteers for active service : 

11 The Chiefs of Jodhpur, Bikanir, Kishangarh, Rutlam, 
Sachin, Patiala, Sir Pertab Singh, Regent of Jodhpur, 
the Heir-Apparent of Bhopal, and a brother of the 
Maharajah of Cooch Behar, together w T ith other cadets of 
noble families. The veteran Sir Pertab would not be 
denied his right to serve the King-Emperor, in spite of 
his seventy years, and his nephew, the Maharajah, who is 
but sixteen years old, goes with him." 

Statement in House of Commons, September 9. 

" I doubt whether everyone in this country realizes 
how great a thing it is that those ruling chiefs should 
come forward in this way upon our side. I wonder, for 
example, whether every one realizes that the Maharajah 
of Mysore, whose munificent gift the noble Marquess 
referred to, rules over a population which exceeds the 
whole population of Sweden. I wonder whether anyone 
calls to mind that the Maharajah of Gwalior, the Maha- 

44 Facts about the War 

rajah of Scindia, has more subjects than the King of 
Denmark. Or that the Nizam of Hyderabad governs a 
people twice as numerous as the people of the Nether- 
lands, and three times as numerous as the people of Ire- 
land. It is no small thing that those rulers, standing 
where they do in our Indian system, should have come 
forward without exception and given such practical proof 
of their desire to help us." 

Lord Lansdowne, House of Lords, September 9. 

Loyal messages and offers also received from Mehtar 
of Chitral and tribes of Khyber Agency, as well as 
Khyber Rifles, and from the following Leagues and 
Associations : The All India Moslem League, the Bengal 
Presidency Moslem League, the Moslem Association of 
Rangoon, the Trustees of the Aligarh College, the Behar 
Provincial Moslem League, the Central National 
Mohammedan Association of Calcutta, the Khoja Com- 
munity and other followers of Aga Khan, the Punjab 
Moslem League, Mohammedans of Eastern Bengal, 
citizens of Calcutta, Madras, Rangoon, and many other 
cities, Behar Landholders' Association, Madras Pro- 
vincial Congress, Taluqdars of Oudh, Punjab Chiefs' 
Association, United Provinces Provincial Congress, 
Hindus of the Punjab, Chief Khalsa Diwan representing 
orthodox Sikhs, Bohra Community of Bombay, Parsee 
Community of Bombay. 

Letters have been received from the most remote 
States in India, all marked by deep sincerity of desire to 
render some assistance, however humble, to the British 
Government in its hour of need. 

Statement in House of Commons, September 9. 

Facts about the War 45 

" The Aga Khan, who was making a tour among his 
Ismalia followers in Africa when the war broke out, 
has arrived from South Africa. He telegraphed from 
Zanzibar to his adherents in India, the Persian Gulf, on 
the Indian borderland, in Burma, the Straits Settlements, 
and throughout Africa, directing them to place them- 
selves and their resources unreservedly at the disposal 
of the local British authorities, and to be prepared for 
any duty that might be assigned to them. 

11 In Zanzibar, under his direction, the Ismalias 
organized a transit corps of motor-cars and motor and 
ordinary cycles. His Highness has led the way for his 
followers by offering to the Viceroy and the Secretary of 
State for India his resources and personal service. Two 
of his near relatives have been commissioned from the 
Imperial Cadet Corps, but as no such facility existed in 
his youth for the military training of Indians of position, 
he has intimated his readiness to serve in any infantry 
regiment as an ordinary private." 

Times, September 14. 

Last, but not least, from beyond the borders of India 
have been received generous offers of assistance from 
the Nepal Durbar ; the military resources of the State 
have been placed at the disposal of the British Govern- 
ment, and the Prime Minister has offered a sum of Rs. 3 
lakhs to the Viceroy for the purchase of machine-guns or 
field equipment for British Gurkha Regiments proceeding 
over seas, in addition to large donations from his private 
purse to the Prince of Wales's Fund and the Imperial 
Indian Relief Fund. 

To the 4th Gurkha Rifles, of which the Prime Minister 

46 Facts about the War 

is Honorary Colonel, the Prime Minister has offered 
Rs. 30,000 for the purchase of machine-guns in the 
event of their going on service. The Dalai Lama of 
Tibet has offered 1,000 Tibetan troops for service under 
the British Government. His Holiness also states that 
Lamas innumerable, throughout the length and breadth of 
Tibet, are offering prayers for success of the British Army, 
and for the happiness of the souls of all victims of war. 

The same spirit has prevailed throughout British 
India. Hundreds of telegrams and letters received by 
the Viceroy expressing loyalty and desire to serve 
Government either in the field or by co-operation in India. 
Many hundreds also received by local administrations. 

These offers of help and sympathy come from all 
classes and all creeds, and demonstrate that, for the first 
time in history, the great continent of India, with its 
many races and religions, is united in a single aim. 
That aim is to show their devotion to the King- Emperor, 
and their desire to remain part of the great Empire of 
which he is Head. 

The manoeuvres of Germany to secure, through 
influence in Turkey, a channel through which she could 
inflame the Moslem world have been discounted by these 
practical demonstrations of the loyalty of the Moham- 
medans of the British Empire. 



Germany naturally attaches great importance to 
securing the sympathy of the United States. Count 
Bernstorff, the German Ambassador at Washington, has 

Facts about the War 47 

been unwearied in his attempts to influence the Press, 
and to circulate news said to be received from Germany 
by wireless. 

German societies in various large towns have appointed 
committees "to visit and warn Anglo-American 

An appeal addressed to the American nation by the 
German Imperial Chancellor, Herr von Bethmann- 
Hollweg, reached New York by mail, it having been sent 
in this manner in order to evade the censors in London. 

" The Emperor authorizes me," writes the Chancellor, 
" to declare that he has complete confidence in the justice 
of the American people, who will not permit themselves 
to be hoodwinked by the campaign of lies which our foes 
are waging. We shall win this monster war, thanks to 
the great moral momentum which a just cause has given 
to our armies." Centml NewSt 

"The arguments employed do not appeal to the 
American mind. With every desire to be fair to all 
sides the overwhelming majority of editorial writers are 
able to see in the war only • a cataclysm ' provoked by 
German militarism with the object of making Germany 
the predominant Power in Europe. When Professor 
Mimsterberg and others denounce Britain as k a traitor 
to the Teutonic race ' because she sides with Russia, 
Americans recall the fact that until recent years Ger- 
many's great ambition was a Russo-German alliance 
against France and England." 

Times own Correspondent, New York 
August 13. 

48 Facts about the War 

" After forty-five years of peace, Germany breaks its 
record and plunges into war which not one of its defenders 
can fairly justify. It is criminal aggression and nothing 
else which led Germany to turn about, violate the 
neutrality of Belgium, and force its way into France. 
The campaign was clearly planned before the ultimatum 
was issued to Russia. The Kaiser will go down into 
history as the most patient War Lord that ever lived. 
He waited and waited, and then selected the most 
inopportune and most unjustifiable occasion to plunge 
his country into war. The world is on the brink of 
universal disaster. A madman in Europe moves and 
disturbs the < balance of power.' " 

American Hebrew, of New York (leading 
Jewish paper). 

The World, referring to the last interview of the 
British Ambassador and the German Chancellor [see 
Section I. (c)], recalls the fact that Magna Charta, the 
Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Independence, the 
decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, are 
also scraps of paper : 

" The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty is a scrap of paper, and 
one of the most brilliant moral victories won by President 
Wilson is the Act of Congress which voluntarily re- 
pealed the violation of the terms of that scrap of paper. 
Respect for these scraps of paper measures a 
nation's honour no less than its freedom. Our 
democracy itself is only a scrap of paper, but it looses 
forces no autocrat can stay. The German army is the 
most wonderful military machine ever constructed by the 
hand and brain of man, but in the final reckoning of 

Facts about the War 49 

history this ' scrap of paper ■ will prove more powerful 
than all the Kaiser's legions." 

World, New York, August 29. 

" History will hold the German Emperor responsible 
for the war in Europe. Austria would never have made 
her indefensible attack on Servia if she had not been 
assured beforehand of the support of Germany. The 
German Emperor's consent to co-operate with England 
in mediation would have put a stop to Austria's advance. 
To doubt that Germany and Austria have been in prac- 
tical alliance in this act of brigandage — for it deserves 
no other name — is to shut one's eyes to all the signs." 

Outlook, New York, August 13. 

It would be a serious mistake to suppose that 
Americans feel any hostility or jealousy towards Ger- 
many, or fail to recognize the immense obligations under 
which she has placed all the rest of the world, although 
they now feel that the German nation has been going 
wrong in theoretical and practical politics for more than 
a hundred years, and to-day is reaping the consequences 
of her own wrong-thinking and wrong-doing. 

Professor Eliot, ex-President of Harvard 
University, the foremost figure in the Uni- 
versity world, and one of the most respected 
men in the United States. 

" The aggressive insolence of Austria - Hungary's 
ultimatum to Servia, taken with the concession by the 
latter of all the demands except those which were too 
humiliating for their national self-respect, indicate that 
the real cause of the war is other than that set forth by 
the ultimatum. Knowing from past experience how the 


50 Facts about the War 

matter must be viewed by Russia, it is incredible that 
Austria would have ventured on the ultimatum unless 
she was assured beforehand of the consent of Germany 
to it. The inference is irresistible that the substance of 
the ultimatum was the pretext for a war already deter- 
mined on as soon as a plausible occasion offered. The 
cause of this predetermination is to be found in the 
growing strength of Russia on recovering from her war 
with Japan, together with the known deficiencies of the 
French armaments, which were recently admitted. The 
moment was auspicious for striking down France and 
Russia before they regained their full strength." 

Admiral Mahan (the foremost writer on 
naval strategy in the United States) . 

That Germany is not satisfied with her American 
Press campaign appears from the following extract : 

" After Germany has for so many years endeavoured 
to dispose of these grotesque mistakes, and after 
German policy during a decade and a half has been in 
itself a refutation par excellence, it seems to be beneath 
our dignity to go on appearing before the United States 
in the attitude of one who thinks that he must justify 
himself. We are far from misunderstanding or under- 
estimating the goodwill of Count Bernstorff and Herr 
Dernburg. We ask ourselves, however, what is the 
sense of it all, and whether there is not a point at which 
we, in our position, attacked on all sides, should regard 
it as a duty of self-esteem to adopt the attitude that, if 
people do not believe our words and deeds, we will 
refrain from perpetual repetition of our words. When a 
man like Roosevelt, whose importance as a statesman 

Facts about the War 51 

we never rated too high, but who has been in Germany, 

and knows many prominent Germans, can talk of 

1 Bernhardismus ' in Germany, the success of the 

German effort ' to shed light ' seems to be of a very 

problematical nature." 

Count Reventlow, Deutsches Tageszeitung, 
October, 1914. 



(a) Could we have stopped the way ? 

No. On July 23 Austria presented to Servia an 
ultimatum making demands to accept which would have 
been national suicide. Of this ultimatum the German 
Government must have known and approved. Austria 
declared that unless it was accepted verbatim within 
forty-eight hours war would follow. Servia made a 
humble reply, accepting nearly all the demands and offer- 
ing to submit the other points to the Hague Tribunal. 
This offer Austria insultingly rejected. In view of the 
international agreements and treaties which were known 
to exist, Austria knew that her attack on Servia would 
bring Russia to Servia's aid, that Germany was bound in 
that event to help Austria, and France bound in that 
event to help Russia. 

Sir Edward Grey made offer after offer for peace. 
In most of them France, Russia, and Italy concurred ; 
all of them Germany refused. 

52 Facts about the War 

(b) Could we have kept out of the war ? 

Only by being false to our plighted word to France 
and to Belgium. 

Only by being false to our future, and seeing the 
territories of France and Belgium, with their fine har- 
bours, in the hands of a strong and unscrupulous enemy. 

Only by being false to humanity. 

" For my part, I say that sooner than be a silent 
witness, which means in effect a willing accomplice 
of this tragic triumph of force over law and of 
brutality over freedom, I would see this country 
of ours blotted out of the page of history.'* 

Mr. Asquith, at Guildhall. 

For a fuller answer to this question see Section I. : 
" Why We are at War." 

(c) Have we not done enough P 

It is estimated that Germany can put 5,500,000 men 
in the field, her male population being 32,000,000. This 
means that she calls up one in six of her males of all 
ages. France, out of a male population of 20,000,000, 
manages to put some 4,000,000 into the field, or one in 
every five males. Our forces are made up as follows : 

Regular Army, with Reserves ... 400,000 

Territorials ... ... ... ... 600,000 

The New Army (nearly completed). . . 1,000,000 

The Navy and Reserves ... ... 200,000 

Total ... ... ... ... 2,200,000 

Our male population is 21,000,000, so we have called 
up one in ten. 

The Oversea Dominions are sending us reinforcements, 
and will increase the numbers as needed. 

Facts about the War 53 

We do not know how many will be needed, but 
surely we can do as much for our Empire as 
France is doing for hers? 

" The very serious conflict in which we are now 
engaged on the Continent has been none of our seeking. 
It will undoubtedly strain the resources of our Empire, 
and entail considerable sacrifices on our people. These 
will be willingly borne for our honour and the preserva- 
tion of our position in the world, and will be shared by 
our Dominions beyond the seas, now sending contingents 
and assistance of every kind to help the Mother Country 
in this struggle. 

" While other countries engaged in this war have, 
under a system of compulsory service, brought their full 
resources of men into the field, we, under our national 
system, have not done so, and can therefore still 
point to a vast reserve drawn from the resources 
both of the Mother Country and of the British 
Dominions across the seas. The response which 
has already been made by the great Dominions abun- 
dantly proves that we did not look in vain to these 
sources of military strength, and while India, Canada, 
Australia, and New Zealand, are all sending us powerful 
contingents, in this country the Territorials are replying 
with loyalty to the stern call of duty which has come 
to them with such exceptional force. Sixty - nine 
battalions have, with fine patriotism, already volunteered 
for service abroad, and when trained and organized in 
the larger formations will be able to take their places in 
the line. 

11 The Empires with whom we are at war have called 
to the colours almost their entire male population. The 

54 Facts about the War 

principles we on our part shall observe is this, that while 
their maximum force undergoes a constant diminution, 
the reinforcements we prepare shall steadily and in- 
creasingly flow out until we have an Army in the field 
which in numbers not less than in quality, will not be 
unworthy of the power and responsibilities of the British 
Empire. I cannot at this stage say what will be 
the limits of the forces required, or what measures 
may eventually become necessary to supply and 
maintain them. The scale of the Field Army which we 
are now calling into being is large, and may rise in the 
course of the next six or seven months to a total of 
thirty divisions continually maintained in the field. 
But if the war should be protracted, and if its fortunes 
should be varied or adverse, exertions and sacrifices 
beyond any which have been demanded will be required 
from the whole nation and Empire, and where they are 
required we are sure they will not be denied to the 
extreme needs of the State by Parliament or the people. ,, 

Lord Kitchener, House of Lords, 

August 25. 

(d) Is not the fleet enough ? 

The fleet is protecting the shores and the trade- 
routes of the Empire, and every heart should thrill at 
the way in which it is justifying our trust. Compare the 
almost complete security of our own over-sea trade with 
the absolute annihilation of that of Germany. 

But the fleet alone cannot — 

Save Europe from the curse of German militarism. 

Save us from the danger to ourselves from a conti- 
nent so dominated. 

Facts about the War 55 

Give us an adequate voice in the reconstruction of 
Europe when peace comes to be made. 

Note the following opinion of the great American naval 
expert : 

" If Germany succeeds in 'downing' both France and 

Russia, she gains a respite by land, which may 

enable her to build up her sea force until it is equal 

or superior to that of Great Britain. In that case 

the world will be confronted by the naval power of a 

State not, like Great Britain, sated with territory, but 

one eager and ambitious for expansion, and eager also 

for influence. This consideration may well affect 

American sympathies. n 

Admiral Mahan, Times, August 5. 

(e) Was not the War forced on by Russia ? 

No. Russia to the end was willing to make peace on 
the basis of Servia's moderate, and even humble, reply to 
Austria (for which see Section I.). 

See also the following extracts from telegrams of British 
Ambassador at Petrograd (St. Petersburg) to Sir Edward 
Grey : 

" The Minister for Foreign Affairs said that if Servia 
should appeal to the Powers [as she did], Russia would 
be quite ready to stand aside, and leave the question in 
the hands of England, France, Germany, and Italy " 
(July 25). 

" His Excellency said that he would agree to anything 
arranged by the four Powers, provided it was acceptable 
to Servia " (July 29). 

56 Facts about the War 

"German Ambassador appealed to M. Sazonoff 
(Russian Foreign Minister) to make some suggestion 
which he could telegraph to German Government as a 
last hope. M. Sazonoff accordingly drew up and handed 
to German Ambassador a formula in French, of which 
following is translation : 

" * If Austria, recognizing that her conflict with Servia 
has assumed character of question of European interest, 
declares herself ready to eliminate from her ulti- 
matum points which violate principle of sovereignty 
of Servia, Russia engages to stop all military pre- 
parations ' " (July 30). 

On August 1 King George sent a personal telegram to 
the Tsar : the following was the reply : 

" I would gladly have accepted your proposals had 
not German Ambassador this afternoon presented a note 
to my Government declaring war." 

(/) 4-re we not fighting for the barbarism of Servia and 
Russia against the culture of Germany ? 

No. Servia is fighting because Germany used the 
quarrel between Austria and Servia as a pretext for pro- 
voking war, in the hope that Great Britain would think 
herself unconcerned. 

Russia was dragged in because she had obligations to 
Servia, and could not see her crushed any more than we 
could see Belgium crushed. 

The "barbarism" of the land of Tolstoi may well 
stand comparison with the " culture " of the land of 
Nietsche and Von Bernhardi, of the land which has 
sacked Malines and Louvain, and then, through its 

Facts about the War $7 

Emperor, declared such action " necessary though 

(g) Have we not called in heathen Japan against Christian 
Germany ? 

Long before the war we had a Treaty with Japan, the 
terms of which are known to the whole world. Japan 
has solely come in to restore to China the port of Kiao- 
chau, unscrupulously and piratically filched by Germany. 

The Japanese ultimatum of August 16 made clear that 
it made on Germany two demands only : 

1. To withdraw immediately from Japanese and 
Chinese waters the German men-of-war and armed 
vessels of all kinds, and to disarm at once those which 
cannot be withdrawn. 

2. To deliver on a date not later than September 15 to 
the Imperial Japanese authorities, without condition or 
compensation, the entire leased territory of Kiao-chau with 
a view to the eventual restoration of the same to China. 

Sir Claude M. MacDonald writes to the Times : 

" In a recent issue of your paper you printed an 
appeal made by German theologians to • Evangelical 
Christians abroad ' together with the dignified, reasoned, 
and conclusive reply made by British theologians to the 
same. The German theologians in their appeal state as 
follows : ' Into the war which the Tsar has openly 
proclaimed as the decisive campaign against Teutonism 
and Protestantism heathen Japan is now also called 
under the pretext of an alliance.' 

" It was my privilege to be British Representative a 
the Court of Tokyo from the commencement of the 

5 8 Facts about the War 

negotiations which preceded the war between Japan and 
Russia until peace was signed; incidentally, also, it was 
my great privilege to be an instrument, though a very 
humble one, in the making of the alliance alluded to by 
the German theologians. May I therefore venture to 
state as follows ? The whole world knows with what 
splendid valour our allies fought, but it is not known as 
generally as I think it ought to be how straightforward, 
honest, and dignified, and how loyal to us, was the con- 
duct of these negotiations; it is not generally known 
how appreciative of the stubborn valour of their 
opponents, how courteous and chivalrous to them in 
defeat, how cheery and patient in their own sufferings, 
were the c heathen ' Japanese. It is not known, per- 
haps, as I know it, that fullest information regarding 
wounded Russians in the hospitals of Japan, for trans- 
mission to their friends, was immediately obtainable, the 
nature and gravity of the wounds, and in some cases 
even the temperature of the patient, being telegraphed ! 
The present Viceroy of India, then Ambassador at 
St. Petersburg, can bear me out as to this. 

" I venture, therefore, to think that some Christian 
nations, not forgetting Germany, have much to learn of 
the Christian virtues of chivalry, courtesy, and honesty 
from heathen Japan." 

(k) Should we be any worse off if Germany won ? 

We should each one of us be worse off in soul and in 
body. The patriot would be humiliated ; even the inter- 
nationalist would lose by the curtailing of freedom of 
speech, of public meeting, and of the Press. E.g., Roald 
Amundsen, the great Polar explorer, was in 1913 for- 

Facts about the War 59 

bidden to lecture in Norwegian in Schleswig-Holstein 
because that language closely resembled Danish, the 
native tongue of the people before they were conquered 
by Germany. 

" Six years ago I was in Berlin for a peace meeting. 
The President had hardly said half a dozen sentences 
when the military came and dispersed the meeting. 
Would you like to have that in England ? Therefore 
when I am asked what we are fighting for, my answer 
again and again is liberty — liberty and home. ,, 

Mr. Will Crooks, M.P., London Opera 

House, September 10. 

In Brussels, as soon as occupied by the Germans, the 
newspapers were forced to appear in that language only. 
The civilian would be put under the heel of the drill- 
sergeant. What that means we may learn from the 
story of Zabern in 191 3. 

Zabern is a garrison town in Alsace, where the 
smouldering ill-feeling between the conquered French 
and the ruling Germans was fanned by the arrogance 
of the military garrison. One of these (who belonged 
to the Junker, or minor Prussian nobility class) named 
Lieutenant Forstner, was reported by some of the 
Alsatian recruits to have stated that if they (the recruits) 
stabbed a Wackes who insulted them, no punishment, 
but a reward, would be given. The name W aches is a 
half-contemptuous local term for "Alsatian." The result 
of this was to incense the civilian population, and as 
the result of an incident in which the pupils of a school 
jeered at a party of officers, the Colonel of the regiment, 
Von Reuter, called out sixty men with loaded rifles and 

60 Facts about the War 

ordered them to arrest every civilian who did not retire. 
About sixty were arrested, including the Judge and 
Counsel of the civil court, who had just risen, and were 
imprisoned all night. Lieutenant Forstner wounded 
with his sword a lame cobbler whose wife jeered at him. 
In Metz a man and his wife were imprisoned because 
the latter jeered at a passing patrol. This was the 
subject of interpellations in the Reichstag, and a vote 
of censure on the Chancellor was passed ; but the 
Prussian War Minister justified the conduct of the 
officers. The vote of censure was not regarded by the 
Government, and though the regiment was moved from 
Zabern, no real punishment was meted out to the officers 
concerned, and the Crown Prince sent a sympathetic 
letter to the Colonel. 

Some idea of German militarism in practice can be 
gained from the conduct of the Governor of a conquered 
commune of Belgium. The following was part of a pro- 
clamation, issued to the inhabitants of Grivegnee, near 
Ltege : 

11 Important Notice. 
" Commune of Grivegnee. 

" Major Dieckmann gives notice to the persons present 

" (i) Before 6 p.m. on the afternoon of September 6, 
1914, all arms, munitions, explosives, and fireworks still 
in possession of the citizens shall be given in at the 
Chateau des Bruy£res. Whoever does not do this will be 
liable to the penalty of death. He will be shot on the spot, 
or executed, unless he can prove that he was not to blame. 

Facts about the War 61 

" (3) The Commandant must not meet any difficulties 
when domiciliary visits are made. All rooms must be 
thrown open on the summons. All opposition will be 
severely punished. 


" (8) I require that all civilians moving about in my 
sphere of command, and especially those of Beyne, 
Hensay, Bois de Breux, and Grivegnee, shall show 
respect to German officers by taking off their hats, and 
bringing their hands to their heads in a military salute. 
In case of doubt whether an officer is in question, any 
German soldier should be saluted. Anyone failing in this 
must expect a German soldier to exact respect from him 
by any method. 

11 (9) German soldiers may search carts, bundles, etc., 
belonging to the inhabitants of the district. All dis- 
obedience will be severely punished. 


"(14) Anyone who circulates false news which might 
injure the moral of the German troops, and also anyone 
who in any way tries to take measures injurious to the 
German Army, is held suspect, and may be shot on the spot. 

"(15) While by the above directions the inhabitants of 
the region round Fort B.I 1 1, are menaced with severe 
penalties if they break these rules in any manner, these 
same inhabitants may, if they conduct themselves peace- 
ably, count on benevolent protection and succour on all 
occasions when they may be wronged. 

" (16) A requisition for a fixed quantity of cattle will be 
made daily between 10 and 12 and 2 and 3 at the 
Chateau des Bruy&res at the office of the cattle-com- 

62 Facts about the War 

" (17) Anyone who under the aegis of the emblem of the 
Swiss Convention (i.e., the Red Cross !) harms or tries to 
harm the German Army will be hung on discovery. 

" (Signed) Dieckmann, Major-Commandant. 

" (Correct Copy — Victor Hodeige, Burgomaster.) 

14 Grivegnee, September 8, 1914." (Communicated by Official 

Press Bureau.) 

German Views of British Soldiers. 

11 Enlistments for the new English Army of 500,000 
men which Kitchener has undertaken to set on its legs 
are slow to come. Up to September 5 only about 
250,000 mercenaries had come in, according to English 
official reports, and Ministers and other well-known 
Members of Parliament have had to whip up recruits by 
holding public meetings. The text of the speeches is : 
Prussian militarism to be exterminated. 

" It is natural enough that Prussian militarism should 
get on to the nerves of Englishmen, and especially of the 
Right Hon. Grey and Co. — that Prussian militarism 
which has swept like a hurricane over the Allied Armies, 
so that of the English Expeditionary Force already barely 
half survives. But what do the English shopkeepers, 
w T ho buy their mercenaries to protect their money-bags, 
know of German militarism ? What idea can these 
island people, who look down upon a soldier as the most 
despicable creature on earth, have of the sacrifices of the 
nation which, in the struggle for existence, has been 
forced by the jealousy of its neighbours to become a 
nation of soldiers ? We have nothing but contempt for 
these English talkers and politicians who venture to lay 
their dirty fingers on our ideals. Let them study our 

Facts about the War 63 

casualty lists. Princes and workmen, Counts and 
peasants, Catholics and Protestants and Jews, Socialists 
and Conservatives, all dying for the common Father- 
land. You are not playing for the same stakes, you 
gentlemen of England ! You have no right to speak 
until you put into the field the flower of your people, and 
not the scum of your population." 

Article on British and German Militarism, Sep- 
tember 8, Cologne Gazette (chief semi-official organ 
of the German Foreign Office). 

[It may be noted that the German Army officers and 
non-commissioned officers are " mercenaries " in the 
same sense as the British regular forces — i.e., they adopt 
arms as their profession, and make their living by it.] 

11 It is my Royal and Imperial command that you con- 
centrate your energies, for the immediate present, upon 
one single purpose, and that is that you address all 
your skill and all the valour of my soldiers to exterminate 
first the treacherous English and to walk over General 
French's contemptible little army." 

The Kaiser to his troops, Aix-la-Chapelle, 
August 19. 

Why we must fight to a Finish. 

There are people who are already saying that we must 
make terms with Germany as soon as possible, and not 
impose on her too hard conditions. But it is only by 
the most rigorous terms that we can secure — 

(1) The compensation of Belgium for her sufferings 
and losses. We were not able to save Belgium or even 
to protect one Belgian village ; the least we can do is to 
avenge her. 

64 Facts about the War 

(2) We cannot permit the Prussian domination of 
Germany to continue. It has always been founded on 
"blood and iron v (Bismarck's phrase). If the Kaiser* 
saves anything out of the wreck of the war, he and his 
dynasty will perpetuate the domination of Prussia. 

(3) We must vindicate our own character as a fight- 
ing race, and show the whole world, not Germany alone, 
that the British Empire is a factor to be reckoned 
with on land as well as at sea. The recognition of 
this will go far to secure peace throughout the world. 



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Facts about the War for ready reference, prepared under 
the auspices of the Royal Colonial Institute, 

This little book has been prepared to furnish readers, speakers, or debaters, and any- 
one interested, with the facts which have led up to the Great War, and have characterized 
its conduct. Its scope will be comprehended from the following list of contents : 

I. Why are we at War? II. Unanimity of Opinion in Great Britain and Ireland. 
III. Unanimous Support in the Dominions and Colonies. IV. Unanimous Support in 
India. V. Opinion in the U.S.A. VI. Terms of Enlistment. VII. Questions asked 
and answered. 


Hints for a Plan of Campaign 

Introduction by SIDNEY WHITMAN 

Being a revised reprint, in response to a large demand by manufacturers and merchants, 
of a series of twenty articles published in the Evttvng News % showing how the Germans 
have gained a hitherto unknown hold on British Trade, their methods, and the deficiencies 
in our British system, with examples of German controlled firms under British names. 




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Being Part II. of t( The Great Illusion," with a new 
Preface dealing with the present War. 


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By Frederic William Wile. 2s. net. 


By Norman Angell. 2s. 6d. net. 


By Norman Angell. 


By J. Novikow. With Preface by Norman Angell. 2s. 6d. net. 

London: WILLIAM HEIN EM ANN, 21 Bedford Street, W.C.